The Japanese emperor’s remorse over non-Japanese victims of World War II differs sharply from the prime minister’s persistent Yasukuni Shrine visits
　　
　　Against the backdrop of all-time low relations with Asian neighbors, Japan’s Emperor Akihito used the occasions of his annual birthday press conference and New Year greeting to talk to his nation about wartime history. The fact that he rarely addresses the people, together with the topic dominating his talks, is particularly significant in a period where the government’s actions continue to show a lack of regret over war crimes.
　　
　　Opposing interpretations
　　
　　“Not only did the last war claim the lives of 3.1 million Japanese people, but it also killed a large number of foreigners,” said Akihito, addressing tens of thousands of well-wishers outside the royal palace during his New Year public appearance. “We will never forget the people who lost their lives in the war, and bear in mind that today’s Japan is built on the sacrifice made by so many people,” said Japan’s emperor.
　　“I believe it is very important for the people of Japan to strive to accurately understand the past, as well as the times that followed, and this is also important when Japanese people interact with the people of the world,” the emperor said at a news conference marking his 72nd birthday December 23, 2005. On the same occasion, he also said his June trip to Saipan in memory of those who died on the Pacific Island during World War II filled his heart with sorrow. During the trip, the imperial couple made a surprise stopover deviating from the itinerary released to the media by paying tribute to a memorial to Koreans who died in the Pacific War theater. This gesture made him the first Japanese monarch to publicly honor foreigners who died in the war.
　　It was not long before Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi followed the emperor’s lead in taking a personal interest in the discussion over historical issues. Koizumi, however, sees the situation from a different point of view. At a nationally televised New Year news conference January 4, he defiantly criticized China and South Korea for refusing summit talks because of his repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, a symbol of Japan’s past aggression and militarism. He said, “This is a matter of the heart of one politician. I don’t understand why a foreign government should intervene in a matter of the heart and make it a diplomatic issue.”
　　Koizumi’s statement immediately drew outcries from South Korean and Chinese governments, adding stress to the already strained relations between Japan and its Asian neighbors.
　　
　　An olive branch
　　
　　Although there was some blurring in Emperor Akihito’s speeches over how to accurately understand history and whether “foreigners” referred to the victims falling prey to Japanese wartime atrocities, his apologetic gestures are progressive considering Japan’s traditional war remembrance was exclusively directed toward the memory of the sufferings of Japanese civilians. In the past the Japanese Government has put more emphasis on discussing the death of its own civilians. Government leaders have rarely singled out non-Japanese victims, who died during the war at the hands of the Japanese, in an official apology. According to the Japanese Constitution, the emperor, the honorary head of state, has only a symbolic function and no effective political power, though his stance still can reflect and influence the opinions of a large segment of Japanese society.
　　Media and intellectuals in China and Japan have reacted positively to the emperor’s comments and attitude toward historical issues, while condemning Koizumi’s intentional disregard of the Yasukuni Shrine’s role as a spiritual venue used to activate people for the aggressive demands of World War II.
　　Zhou Yongsheng, professor with Institute of International Studies of Chinese Foreign Affairs University, believes the acts of the Japanese emperor are commendable from two aspects.
　　“First of all, the emperor emphasized that Japanese should accurately understand history, which is in keeping with demands of Asian countries like China and South Korea over historical issues. Second, the emperor talked about the importance of a clear understanding of the interaction between Japanese and peoples from other countries, which could be seen as an ambiguous criticism over the Koizumi administration’s messy Asian diplomacy.”
　　Zhou believes the limitation in articulation of the emperor’s speech is attributed to his aloofness from politics, which is prescribed in the Constitution. He expressed the hope that Emperor Akihito would push further by taking a more active and clearer stance and, more importantly, that Japanese government leaders would listen to the emperor’s suggestions.
　　Gui Yongtao, an expert on Japanese issues with the School of International Studies of Peking University, said, “Although it would be too naïve to expect Japanese politics to make a turn as a result of the emperor’s comments, it still sends a good signal that the emperor’s view is different from right-wing politicians and he is concerned about the rightward political shift in Japan.”
　　An editorial from The Japan Times, January 9, points out that Koizumi’s statement would be considered callous toward neighboring countries’ war memories. It is quoted as saying, “Mr. Koizumi needs to understand a simple fact of life: A party that has suffered from another country’s action cannot forget the past suffering while the offending party continues to act as if it can forget it easily.”
　　
　　Still deadlocked
　　
　　It has been widely acknowledged by countries across Asia that the Yasukuni Shrine visits have been major impediments to forging closer ties with Japan. Yet the Koizumi administration’s insistence on provoking neighboring countries over historical issues has made the prospect of turnaround in the near future rather bleak.
　　Liang Yunxiang, a professor with Peking University, said, “Koizumi’s comment in the New Year press conference paves the way for his annual shrine visit in 2006, which would pour cold water over the already chilly relations between Japan and other Asian nations.” He said the bilateral relationship between China and Japan has deteriorated to a point that both sides have lost trust in each other and confidence-building that is essential for improvement of relations will take a long course. He believes the gestures of the Japanese emperor could do nothing to alleviate China’s wartime pains for two reasons. First and foremost, the Japanese emperor is a non-political figure. Second, all of emperor’s deeds were out of humanitarian concerns and didn’t touch upon the question of the evil nature of the war, which is the contentious issue between the two countries.
　　Behind the Japanese Government’s apathetic attitude toward alienation from Asia’s diplomatic platform is Japan’s new diplomatic pivot found in the United States. “The United States is the only nation in the world that sees an attack on Japan as an attack on itself,” Koizumi said at the New Year news conference. The Japanese prime minister again reiterated the special military ties between Tokyo and Washington, which have been strengthened by reactivated 2+2 meetings of foreign affairs and defense chiefs since February 2005. This topic seemed much less disturbing to him than relations with neighboring Asian countries.
　　

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