保羅·約翰遜:用殖民主義回應(yīng)恐怖主義
發(fā)布時(shí)間:2020-04-10 來源: 人生感悟 點(diǎn)擊:
美國別無選擇,只有對經(jīng)常幫助恐怖主義的國家發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。布什總統(tǒng)警告戰(zhàn)爭可能是長期的,但他也許并沒有抓住要害:美國可能不得不接受長期的政治義務(wù)。最近的歷史類比是,19世紀(jì)反對海盜的戰(zhàn)爭是殖民主義擴(kuò)張的重要因素。很可能,一種新形式的殖民,西方管理的前恐怖主義國家,剛剛出現(xiàn)在地平線上。
值得注意的是,是年輕的美國發(fā)動了這場反對國際犯罪的斗爭(大多數(shù)文明國家接受舊羅馬法對海盜的定義:人類的敵人)。到18世紀(jì)末,阿爾及利亞、突尼斯和的黎波里的統(tǒng)治者接納海盜,并且自己也從事海盜和白人奴隸貿(mào)易活動(主要是俘獲的漁人),臭名昭著。歐洲國家發(fā)現(xiàn)贖回這些不幸者比走向戰(zhàn)爭更方便。阿德米羅·納爾森,英國地中海艦隊(duì)司令,被禁止去報(bào)復(fù)。"我的血在沸騰,"他寫道,"我不能嚴(yán)懲這些海盜。"
與此相對照,美國決心與海盜開戰(zhàn)。海盜是國會于1794年建立海軍的主要原因。1805年,美國水兵從埃及穿過沙漠,迫使的黎波里的帕夏求和并交出所有的美國俘虜。美國海軍贊美曲回憶這次遠(yuǎn)征:"從蒙特祖瑪大廳到的黎波里海岸。"
1815年,當(dāng)海軍準(zhǔn)將斯代芬·底卡特和威廉姆·班布里奇指揮了一系列針對這三個北非伊斯蘭國家的行動后,反海盜戰(zhàn)爭加強(qiáng)了。英國感到羞愧,他們也行動起來了。第二年阿德米羅·艾克斯毛斯領(lǐng)主征服了阿爾及利亞人,用到那時(shí)為止歷史上最猛烈的海軍炮火轟擊:38667輪加農(nóng)炮,960枚大口徑炮彈,和上百枚火箭。然而,勝利是短暫的。美國和英國艦船一離開,這些頭領(lǐng)們撕毀他們被迫簽訂的條約。
是法國人采取了合乎邏輯的步驟。1830年,法國人不僅用狂風(fēng)暴雨般的轟擊戰(zhàn)爭了阿爾及利亞人,而且征服了整個國家。法國最終把阿爾及利亞變成大法國的一部分,而且派了一百萬殖民駐扎在那里。通過把突尼斯變成保護(hù)國,解決了突尼斯的海盜問題。這一模式后來用于摩洛哥。西班牙也消化了北非伊斯蘭海岸的一部分。意大利也照此辦理,他們推翻了的黎波里的帕夏建立了利比亞。丹吉爾,另一個討厭的家伙,被四個歐洲國家共同統(tǒng)治。
北非的最終非殖民化是一件骯臟和流血的事情。特別是在阿爾及利亞,法國在那里的統(tǒng)治超過了120年,法國人在經(jīng)過了一場可怕的戰(zhàn)爭后才撤退。那場戰(zhàn)爭有一百萬人死亡,并推翻了第四共和國。意大利在利比亞的記錄更糟糕,這是Moammar Gadhafi(卡扎菲?)上臺和非法活動恢復(fù)的關(guān)鍵因素。
在19世紀(jì),正如今天,文明國家試圖通過與地方統(tǒng)治者(他們也是受害者)結(jié)成聯(lián)盟來消滅海盜。阿拉伯和波斯灣是由許多小國的拼湊而成的,其中一些是由犯罪的部落所控制,他們在陸上搶劫沙漠大篷車隊(duì),在海上則從事海盜活動。海盜酋長受瓦哈比教徒保護(hù),這些人是今日沙特阿拉伯的祖先。1815年,英國不得不采取行動,因?yàn)槠鋿|印度公司的船只在國際水域遭到攻擊。但英國是與兩個強(qiáng)有力的盟友,馬斯喀特和阿曼的統(tǒng)治者--現(xiàn)在仍是英國的忠實(shí)朋友,和埃及的默罕莫德·阿里,一起干的。
英國海軍的行動產(chǎn)生了一個反對海盜的總條約,所有阿拉伯海岸和海灣國家的統(tǒng)治者,無論大小都在條約上簽了字。但英國從經(jīng)驗(yàn)中知道,"沒有劍的盟約"是無用的,只有當(dāng)"執(zhí)行基礎(chǔ)"建立起來以后,酋長們才會遵守其條約義務(wù)。因此英國發(fā)現(xiàn)它成了中東地區(qū)的主要權(quán)力,在艾登有一個殖民地和基地,其他基地分布在海灣南北,以及與當(dāng)?shù)亟y(tǒng)治者的一個條約和保護(hù)國的網(wǎng)絡(luò),他們的繼承人在位于印度的英國王子學(xué)校接受教育。
在東南亞和遠(yuǎn)東的形勢沒有本質(zhì)的區(qū)別。在這些巨大領(lǐng)地的無數(shù)島嶼中,是依靠海盜生存的海上游牧部落。當(dāng)?shù)亟y(tǒng)治者太弱小,無法消除他們。只有皇家海軍是足夠強(qiáng)大的。但是那意味著建立現(xiàn)代基地--新加坡由此建立。那又導(dǎo)致殖民地,不僅是新加坡,而且有馬來亞,沙撈越,婆羅洲。荷蘭一直在做同樣的事。英國人抱怨,美國雖然在這一地區(qū)有巨額貿(mào)易,但很少派戰(zhàn)艦執(zhí)行反海盜任務(wù)。1832年,安德魯·杰克遜總統(tǒng)的派遣波托馬克號護(hù)衛(wèi)艦轟炸Kuala Batu的海盜窩是受歡迎的例外。
因此,在這一地區(qū),反對海盜的行動直接與殖民地化相聯(lián)系,英國,法國,荷蘭,葡萄牙和西班牙都是這樣做的。這一事實(shí)最終為美國人所認(rèn)識,那是在美西戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束菲律賓屬于美國之后。美國在那里建了一個龐大的海軍基地,其任務(wù)之一是搜捕海盜?梢詫W(xué)到的教訓(xùn)是,沒有政治控制是無法鎮(zhèn)壓組織良好的犯罪社區(qū)、網(wǎng)絡(luò)和國家的。
正如當(dāng)今,偉大的文明國家總是愿意一致行動。但說起來容易做起來難。在中國,一個巨大但不統(tǒng)一的國家,西方貿(mào)易權(quán)力引入了治外法權(quán)的原則,特定的港口被指定為通商口岸,由歐洲法律下的領(lǐng)事和官員操縱。
1900年,一個好戰(zhàn)的中國恐怖主義團(tuán)體,人稱"義和拳",在中國政府偷偷摸摸地準(zhǔn)許下控制了北京。西方大使館遭到洗劫,德國大使被殺害。一支國際軍隊(duì)被組織起奪回北京,包括美國、日本,也有歐洲軍隊(duì)?紤]到德國的損失,英國同意,指揮官由德皇威廉二世任命,但隨后此權(quán)力被收回,因?yàn)檫@位放縱的君王命令他的陸軍元帥:
"決不寬恕,決不赦免。格殺毋論!一千多年以前,匈奴人為他們自己建立了一個人們至今還尊重的名聲,你們要使德國的名字成為中國人的記憶,今后一千年里,沒有一個中國人,無論是否睜眼,都不敢抬頭看德國人。"
美國及其盟友將發(fā)現(xiàn),至少暫時(shí)地,他們不僅要用軍隊(duì)占領(lǐng),而且要管理冷酷無情的恐怖主義國家。這些國家也許最終要不僅包括阿富汗,而且伊拉克,蘇丹,利比亞,伊朗和敘利亞。民主政權(quán)遵守國際法的意愿將在可能的地方灌輸,但在某些時(shí)候,西方的政治存在似乎是不可避免的。
我想最好的中期解決方案將是恢復(fù)舊國際聯(lián)盟的委任托管制,它在兩次戰(zhàn)爭之間可以作為受尊重的殖民主義形式。敘利亞和伊拉克曾經(jīng)是高度成功的托管地。蘇丹,利比亞和伊朗同樣在國際條約建立的特殊政權(quán)的統(tǒng)治下。
不能與鄰國和平相處、發(fā)動反對國際社會的偷偷摸摸戰(zhàn)爭的國家不能指望完全獨(dú)立。有安理會永久成員的支持,在不同程度上,有美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的首創(chuàng)性,設(shè)計(jì)一種新的聯(lián)合國托管制,將恐怖主義國家置于負(fù)責(zé)任的監(jiān)督之下,應(yīng)該是不困難的。
英文原文:
The Answer to Terrorism? Colonialism.
By Paul Johnson. Mr. Johnson is the author of many books, including"Modern Times" and "The Birth of the Modern."
America has no alternative but to wage war against states
thathabitually aid terrorists. President Bush warns the war may be
longbut he has not, perhaps, yet grasped that America may have
toaccept long-term political obligations too. For the
nearesthistorical parallel -- the war against piracy in the 19th
century-- was an important element in the expansion of colonialism.
Itcould be that a new form of colony, the Western-administered
formerterrorist state, is only just over the horizon.
Significantly, it was the young United States that initiated
thisfirst campaign against international outlaws (most civilized
statesaccepted the old Roman law definition of pirates as "enemies of
thehuman race"). By the end of the 18th century, the rulers
ofAlgiers, Tunis and Tripoli had become notorious for
harboringpirates and themselves engaging in piracy and the slave-
trade inwhites (chiefly captured seamen). European states found
itconvenient to ransom these unfortunates rather than go to
war.Admiral Nelson, commanding the British Mediterranean Fleet,
wasforbidden to carry out reprisals. "My blood boils," he
wrote, "thatI cannot chastise these pirates."
By contrast, the U.S. was determined to do so. Pirates were themain
reason Congress established a navy in 1794. In 1805, Americanmarines
marched across the desert from Egypt, forcing the pasha ofTripoli to
sue for peace and surrender all American captives -- anexploit
recalled by the U.S. Marine Corps anthem: "From the Hallsof Montezuma
to the Shores of Tripoli."
It was reinforced in 1815 when Commodores Stephen Decatur andWilliam
Bainbridge conducted successful operations against allthree of the
Barbary States, as they were called. This shamed theBritish into
taking action themselves, and the following yearAdmiral Lord Exmouth
subjected Algiers to what was then thefiercest naval bombardment in
history -- 38,667 rounds of cannonballs, 960 large-caliber shells and
hundreds of rockets. However,these victories were ephemeral. The beys
repudiated the treatiesthey were obliged to sign as soon as American
and British shipswere over the horizon.
It was the French who took the logical step,(點(diǎn)擊此處閱讀下一頁)
in 1830, not only
ofstorming Algiers but of conquering the entire country.
Franceeventually turned Algeria into part of metropolitan France
andsettled one million colonists there. It solved the Tunis
piracyproblem by turning Tunisia into a protectorate, a model it
laterfollowed in Morocco. Spain, too, digested bits of the
BarbaryCoast, followed by Italy, which overthrew the pasha of Tripoli
andcreated Libya. Tangiers, another nuisance, was ruled by afour-
power European commission.
The eventual decolonization of North Africa was a messy and
bloodybusiness. In Algeria in particular, which the French had ruled
forover 120 years, they withdrew only after a horrific war
thatproduced over a million casualties and overthrew the
FourthRepublic. The Italian record in Libya was so bad that its
memorywas a key factor in Col. Moammar Gadhafi"s seizure of power and
theresumption of outlaw activities.
In the 19th century, as today, civilized states tried to put
downpiracy by organizing coalitions of local rulers who suffered
fromit too. Arabia and the Persian Gulf were a patchwork of
smallstates, some of which were controlled by criminal tribes
thatpursued caravan-robbing on land and piracy at sea. Pirate
sheikhswere protected by the Wahabis, forebears of the present ruler
ofSaudi Arabia. In 1815 Britain had to take action because ships
ofits East India Company were being attacked in international
waters.But it did so only in conjunction with two powerful allies,
theruler of Muscat and Oman, still Britain"s firm friend, and
MohamedAli of Egypt.
British naval operations produced a general treaty against
piracysigned by all the rulers, great and small, of the Arabian Coast
andPersian Gulf. But Britain had learned from experience
that"covenants without swords" were useless, and that the sheikhs
wouldonly stick to their treaty obligations if "enforcement bases"
wereset up. Hence Britain found itself becoming a major power in
theMiddle East, with a colony and base in Aden, other bases up
anddown the Gulf, and a network of treaties and protectorates
withlocal rulers, whose heirs were educated at the British school
ofprinces in India.
The situation in South-East Asia and the Far East was notessentially
different. Amid the countless islands of these vastterritories were
entire communities of orang laut (sea nomads) wholived by piracy.
Local rulers were too weak to extirpate them. Onlythe Royal Navy was
strong enough. But that meant creating modernbases -- hence the
founding of Singapore. That in turn led tocolonies, not only
Singapore but Malaya, Sarawak and Borneo. TheDutch had been doing the
same. It was a matter of complaint by theBritish that the Americans,
while trading hugely in the area,rarely sent warships on anti-piracy
missions -- President AndrewJackson"s dispatch of the frigate Potomac
to bombard the piratelair of Kuala Batu in 1832 was a welcome
exception.
In this area then the war against piracy was directly linked
tocolonization -- British, French, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish --
afact finally recognized by the U.S. when it annexed the
Philippinesafter the Spanish-American War. The U.S. established a
large navalbase there, one of whose duties was pirate-hunting. The
lessonlearned was that suppression of well-organized
criminalcommunities, networks and states was impossible without
politicalcontrol.
The great civilized powers, as now, preferred to act in concert.But
this was easier said than done. In China, a vast but
incoherentcountry, the Western trading powers had introduced the
principle ofextraterritoriality, whereby certain harbors were
designated treatyports and run by Western consuls and officials under
European law.
In 1900, a militant Chinese terrorist group known as the Boxersseized
control of Peking, with the covert approval of the Chinesegovernment.
Western embassies were sacked and the German ambassadormurdered. An
international force was organized to retake Peking,and it included
Americans and Japanese as well as European troops.In view of the
German loss, Britain agreed that the commander couldbe nominated by
Kaiser Wilhelm II, but was taken aback when thatintemperate monarch
instructed his field marshal:
"No pardon will be given and no prisoners taken. Anyone who fallsinto
your hands falls to your sword! Just as the Huns created
forthemselves a thousand years ago a name which men still respect,
youshould give the name of German such cause to be remembered in
Chinafor one thousand years that no Chinaman, no matter if his eyes
beslit or not,(點(diǎn)擊此處閱讀下一頁)
will dare to look a German in the face."
America and her allies may find themselves, temporarily at least,not
just occupying with troops but administering obdurate
terroriststates. These may eventually include not only Afghanistan
but Iraq,Sudan, Libya, Iran and Syria. Democratic regimes willing to
abideby international law will be implanted where possible, but
aWestern political presence seems unavoidable in some cases.
I suspect the best medium-term solution will be to revive the
oldLeague of Nations mandate system, which served well as
a"respectable" form of colonialism between the wars. Syria and
Iraqwere once highly successful mandates. Sudan, Libya and Iran
havelikewise been placed under special regimes by international
treaty.
Countries that cannot live at peace with their neighbors and
wagecovert war against the international community cannot expect
totalindependence. With all the permanent members of the
SecurityCouncil now backing, in varying degrees, the American-
ledinitiative, it should not be difficult to devise a new form
ofUnited Nations mandate that places terrorist states
underresponsible supervision.
相關(guān)熱詞搜索:約翰遜 保羅 殖民主義 恐怖主義 回應(yīng)
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